High-priced houses do not create wealth; they redistribute it. And itâs meaningless because we canât use the wealth to buy anything else â a yacht or a fast car. We can only buy other expensive houses: sell your house and you have to buy another one, cheaper if youâre downsizing, more expensive if youâre still growing a family. At the end of your life, your children get to use your housing wealth for their own housing, except that weâre all living so much longer these days itâs usually too late to be useful. And much of this housing wealth is concentrated in Sydney, where the median house value is $1.1m, double that of Perth and regional Australia.
Itâs destructive because of the inequality that results: with so much wealth concentrated in the home, it stays with those who already own a house and within their families. For someone with little or no family housing equity behind them, itâs virtually impossible to break out of the cycle and build new wealth.
It will be impossible to return the price of housing to something less destructive â preferably to what it was when my parents and I bought our first houses â without purging the idea that housing is a means to create wealth as opposed to simply a place to live.
By Alan Kohler
Australia is in the grip of a âbankocracyâ, in which four banks control our access to money. Their profits, and therefore the salaries of their executives, depend on both the volume and the value of their assets growing.
The volume of their assets (that is, the number of loans) increases because Australians believe the only way to increase their wealth is to borrow 80 per cent to 100 per cent of the value of one or more houses. And the value grows because the banksâ customers compete with each other to buy the houses and push up their prices and therefore the size of their loans.
The more house prices rise, the greater the banksâ profits. As US investment guru Charlie Munger says: âShow me the incentive and Iâll show you the outcome.â
The way real estate works in Australia is that the federal government and banks encourage demand for it while state and local governments restrict the supply of it.
Itâs not just that renters are in the minority â some minorities have real power â but the nationâs attitude to housing is deeply ambivalent and well hidden. There has been, and still is, a public dialogue about the problem of housing affordability and plenty of sympathy expressed for the disenfranchised, but the majority who own a house are quietly happy with their high prices, and economists and businesspeople approve of the economic âwealth effectâ. Also, the minority who donât own a house talk about the property ladder and the need to get on it. The idea of housing as the main, if not the only, form of real wealth creation for ordinary people is deeply embedded in the national psyche. Superannuation is starting to rival it but is still a long way behind.
That means doing something about it requires true political leadership â that is, doing something right thatâs unpopular. Study after study on the subject has concluded that the high price of housing is leading to dangerous inequality and distorting the economy and society, yet political leaders have never tackled it effectively, for obvious reasons.
The fact that one of the three least-populated countries on earth contains the worldâs second-most expensive housing is a national calamity and a stunning failure of public policy. For decades, political leaders have paid lip service to housing affordability, while doing nothing that would bring prices down. In fact, most of the big political decisions have done the opposite.